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Julian E. Zelizer

8 Podcast Episodes

Latest 28 Aug 2021 | Updated Daily

Weekly hand curated podcast episodes for learning

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Julian E. Zelizer: The Legacy of Newt Gingrich and the Era of Partisan Warfare

Keen On

On today's episode, Andrew talks with Julian E. Zelizer about his new book, Burning Down the House, and how Newt Gingrich launched our current era of partisan warfare -- and why Trump is the culmination of this.Julian E. Zelizer is the Malcolm Stevenson Forbes, Class of 1941 Professor of History and Public Affairs at Princeton University and a CNN Political Analyst. His most recent books are Fault Lines: A History of the United States Since 1974 (co-authored with Kevin Kruse) and The Fierce Urgency of Now: Lyndon Johnson, Congress, and the Battle for the Great Society, the winner of the D.B. Hardeman Prize for Best Book on Congress. Zelizer has been awarded fellowships from the New York Historical Society, the Russell Sage Foundation, the Guggenheim Foundation, and New America. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

32mins

2 Dec 2020

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Ep. 47 – How Newt Gingrich Created Donald Trump: A Conversation with Julian E. Zelizer

Race and Democracy

Julian Zelizer is a professor in political history at Princeton University, frequent political commentator, and author of over 900 op-eds and books covering American political history. After obtaining his Ph.D. from Johns Hopkins University, Zelizer went on to write for The Atlantic and work as a weekly columnist at CNN. He has twice won the D.B Hardeman Prize. Among the 19 books he has authored and edited is Fault Lines: A History of the United States Since 1974 – a book which received widespread praise from critics. His most recent book, published in July 2020, is entitled Newt Gingrich, The Fall of a Speaker, and the Rise of the New Republican Party.

6 Aug 2020

Similar People

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Julian E. Zelizer on Newt Gingrich and the rise of the new Republican party

Leonard Lopate at Large on WBAI Radio in New York

(7/21/20) Julian E. Zelizer’s latest book “Burning Down the House: Newt Gingrich, the Fall of a Speaker, and the Rise of the New Republican Party” is the story of how Congressman Newt Gingrich (Speaker of the House from 1995 to 1999) and his allies tainted American politics, launching the enduring era of brutal partisan warfare that we are still currently experiencing. From the Contract with America to the rise of the Tea Party and the Trump presidential campaign, Gingrich’s fingerprints can be seen throughout the most divisive episodes in contemporary American politics. Join us for an examination of how we got here in this installment of Leonard Lopate at Large on WBAI.

54mins

21 Jul 2020

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Julian E. Zelizer

Start Me Up with Kimberley A. Johnson

Julian Zelizer is a historian at Princeton University and a CNN Political Analyst. Contributor, NPR's Here and Now. Co-host of Politics and Polls. 20 books on American politics. His latest book Burning Down the House: Newt Gingrich, the Fall of a Speaker, and the Rise of the New Republican Party was released yesterday and we talked about Gingrich's influence in American politics, especially how he influenced how the Republican Party currently operates. We also discussed where the GOP is possibly headed and what that might mean for Democrats. An informative show.

1hr

8 Jul 2020

Most Popular

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MyNDTALK Fault Lines Julian E. Zelizer

MyNDTALK with Dr. Pamela Brewer

If you were asked when America became polarized, your answer would likely depend on your age: you might say during Barack Obama’s presidency, or with the post-9/11 war on terror, or the culture wars of the 1980s and 1990s, or the “Reagan Revolution” and the the rise of the New Right. For leading historians Kevin M. Kruse and Julian E. Zelizer, it all starts in 1974.

30mins

1 Jun 2019

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Julian E. Zelizer, “The Fierce Urgency of Now: Lyndon Johnson, Congress, and the Battle for the Great Society” (Penguin Press, 2015)

New Books in Public Policy

In recent decades, as Democrats and Republicans have grown more and more polarized ideologically, and gridlock has becoming increasingly standard in Congress, there has been a noticeable pining for the good old days when bipartisanship was common, and strongmen like Lyndon B. Johnson occupied the White House, ready to twist a few arms or trade a little pork when narrow interests threatened the general welfare. Liberals have perhaps been most vulnerable to this myth of late, with journalists repeatedly calling on Obama to bust through the unprecedented obstruction of the last few years by channeling the spirit of LBJ, who delivered more progressive legislation than anyone, save FDR.But as the eminent political historian Julian E. Zelizer writes in his new book The Fierce Urgency of Now: Lyndon Johnson, Congress, and the Battle for the Great Society (Penguin Press, 2015), this view of the past falls short on a number of counts. When LBJ first took over, he faced the same “do-nothing” Congress that had imprisoned domestic reform under JFK, Eisenhower, Truman, and the late New Deal, too. The South, an increasingly small part of the national population (counting the millions who could not vote), nonetheless dominated the old committee system, thanks to mass incumbency in the one-party region, America’s uncommon deference to seniority in the legislature and its local delegation of voter law. Leaguing frequently with the GOP’s right wing, Southern chairmen prevented a host of reforms from escaping the drafting stage and reaching a floor vote, even where legislation had popular support. A golden age of bipartisanship. Johnson understood, where many have forgotten, that it was these giants of Congress, not the White House, which held all the power. And these legislators boasted as much, often protected by districts with vanishingly small electorates.What opened the floodgates to the Great Society was not LBJ, “master of the Senate,” famed author of “The Treatment,” but the liberal supermajority of the “Fabulous eighty-ninth” Congress. When these votes disappeared in the midterm, a standard historical pattern, reform came to a screeching halt. (One reason Johnson urged House terms–the shortest in the democratic world–be extended to four years.) Liberals had major advantages in the 1960s that they have since lost: huge unions with crucial manpower and funding, a massive civil rights groundswell, “modern” Republican allies, brain-trust and whip organizations in Congress that Zelizer here thankfully recovers from obscurity. But one thing that has not changed is America’s uniquely divided governmental system. Reformers dream of Great Men and focus on the White House, not Capitol Hill and the built-in features of gridlock, to their peril. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoicesSupport our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/public-policy

54mins

22 May 2015

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Julian E. Zelizer, “The Fierce Urgency of Now: Lyndon Johnson, Congress, and the Battle for the Great Society” (Penguin Press, 2015)

New Books in History

In recent decades, as Democrats and Republicans have grown more and more polarized ideologically, and gridlock has becoming increasingly standard in Congress, there has been a noticeable pining for the good old days when bipartisanship was common, and strongmen like Lyndon B. Johnson occupied the White House, ready to twist a few arms or trade a little pork when narrow interests threatened the general welfare. Liberals have perhaps been most vulnerable to this myth of late, with journalists repeatedly calling on Obama to bust through the unprecedented obstruction of the last few years by channeling the spirit of LBJ, who delivered more progressive legislation than anyone, save FDR.But as the eminent political historian Julian E. Zelizer writes in his new book The Fierce Urgency of Now: Lyndon Johnson, Congress, and the Battle for the Great Society (Penguin Press, 2015), this view of the past falls short on a number of counts. When LBJ first took over, he faced the same “do-nothing” Congress that had imprisoned domestic reform under JFK, Eisenhower, Truman, and the late New Deal, too. The South, an increasingly small part of the national population (counting the millions who could not vote), nonetheless dominated the old committee system, thanks to mass incumbency in the one-party region, America’s uncommon deference to seniority in the legislature and its local delegation of voter law. Leaguing frequently with the GOP’s right wing, Southern chairmen prevented a host of reforms from escaping the drafting stage and reaching a floor vote, even where legislation had popular support. A golden age of bipartisanship. Johnson understood, where many have forgotten, that it was these giants of Congress, not the White House, which held all the power. And these legislators boasted as much, often protected by districts with vanishingly small electorates.What opened the floodgates to the Great Society was not LBJ, “master of the Senate,” famed author of “The Treatment,” but the liberal supermajority of the “Fabulous eighty-ninth” Congress. When these votes disappeared in the midterm, a standard historical pattern, reform came to a screeching halt. (One reason Johnson urged House terms–the shortest in the democratic world–be extended to four years.) Liberals had major advantages in the 1960s that they have since lost: huge unions with crucial manpower and funding, a massive civil rights groundswell, “modern” Republican allies, brain-trust and whip organizations in Congress that Zelizer here thankfully recovers from obscurity. But one thing that has not changed is America’s uniquely divided governmental system. Reformers dream of Great Men and focus on the White House, not Capitol Hill and the built-in features of gridlock, to their peril. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoicesSupport our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/history

54mins

22 May 2015

Episode artwork

Julian E. Zelizer, “The Fierce Urgency of Now: Lyndon Johnson, Congress, and the Battle for the Great Society” (Penguin Press, 2015)

New Books in African American Studies

In recent decades, as Democrats and Republicans have grown more and more polarized ideologically, and gridlock has becoming increasingly standard in Congress, there has been a noticeable pining for the good old days when bipartisanship was common, and strongmen like Lyndon B. Johnson occupied the White House, ready to twist a few arms or trade a little pork when narrow interests threatened the general welfare. Liberals have perhaps been most vulnerable to this myth of late, with journalists repeatedly calling on Obama to bust through the unprecedented obstruction of the last few years by channeling the spirit of LBJ, who delivered more progressive legislation than anyone, save FDR.But as the eminent political historian Julian E. Zelizer writes in his new book The Fierce Urgency of Now: Lyndon Johnson, Congress, and the Battle for the Great Society (Penguin Press, 2015), this view of the past falls short on a number of counts. When LBJ first took over, he faced the same “do-nothing” Congress that had imprisoned domestic reform under JFK, Eisenhower, Truman, and the late New Deal, too. The South, an increasingly small part of the national population (counting the millions who could not vote), nonetheless dominated the old committee system, thanks to mass incumbency in the one-party region, America’s uncommon deference to seniority in the legislature and its local delegation of voter law. Leaguing frequently with the GOP’s right wing, Southern chairmen prevented a host of reforms from escaping the drafting stage and reaching a floor vote, even where legislation had popular support. A golden age of bipartisanship. Johnson understood, where many have forgotten, that it was these giants of Congress, not the White House, which held all the power. And these legislators boasted as much, often protected by districts with vanishingly small electorates.What opened the floodgates to the Great Society was not LBJ, “master of the Senate,” famed author of “The Treatment,” but the liberal supermajority of the “Fabulous eighty-ninth” Congress. When these votes disappeared in the midterm, a standard historical pattern, reform came to a screeching halt. (One reason Johnson urged House terms–the shortest in the democratic world–be extended to four years.) Liberals had major advantages in the 1960s that they have since lost: huge unions with crucial manpower and funding, a massive civil rights groundswell, “modern” Republican allies, brain-trust and whip organizations in Congress that Zelizer here thankfully recovers from obscurity. But one thing that has not changed is America’s uniquely divided governmental system. Reformers dream of Great Men and focus on the White House, not Capitol Hill and the built-in features of gridlock, to their peril. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoicesSupport our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/african-american-studies

54mins

22 May 2015